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International

No Winners in Romania’s Election as Court Annuls Presidential Race

Romania’s constitutional court annulled the presidential election’s first round amid interference allegations, just as right-wing Călin Georgescu appeared poised to win.

No Winners in Romania’s Election as Court Annuls Presidential Race

Source: Calin Georgescu/Facebook

In an unexpected turn of events, Romania is heading toward a repeated presidential election after the constitutional court annulled the first round held at the end of November two days before the second round. The annulled vote saw right-wing “sovereignist” Călin Georgescu take the lead, followed by Elena Lasconi of the Save Romania Union (SRU), another right-wing candidate, championing neoliberal policies. The court’s decision on Friday, December 6, followed allegations of election manipulation, with some alleging Russian interference in the electoral process in favor of Georgescu.

In the first round of the elections, Georgescu secured approximately 23% of the votes, while Lasconi won slightly more than 19%. Adding to the tension, Romania also held parliamentary elections during the same period. The Social Democratic Party (PSD) emerged with the largest share of votes and is now working to form a coalition government. However, the success of a host of small far-right parties, which documented significant growth, casts a shadow over their victory.

Georgescu campaigned on a platform that was ostensibly anti-NATO and critical of the European Union, leading to accusations of being close to Vladimir Putin’s government. Labeling political opponents as pro-Russian has become a frequent discreditation tactic in Europe, and there is little concrete evidence to support claims of material interference in the Romanian presidential election. Georgescu’s critics argue that his social media campaign received material support from individuals linked to Putin; however, local activists point out that it is difficult to distinguish Georgescu’s online presence from that of other candidates, noting that everybody used social media in a similar way.

Conservative Anti-Establishment Parties Rise as Left Remains Atomized

Georgescu polled poorly in the leadup to the election, making his strong result a surprise to many. According to Laurențiu Dragota, a member of the German Communist Party who is also active in the Romanian communist movement, it should not come as a shock. Georgescu successfully tapped into the anxieties of the electorate, particularly the working class, who have been affected by the war in Ukraine and feel abandoned by mainstream parties like the PSD. Unlike these parties, Georgescu offered to address the people’s concerns, finding his place in a political landscape where self-proclaimed anti-establishment, right-leaning parties have increasingly taken the place of a weakened left.

For over three decades, Romania has endured neoliberal policies that have privatized and undermined public services, leading to widespread unemployment and poverty. Today, the country ranks among the poorest in the European Union and has witnessed a mass exodus of approximately five million people seeking better lives abroad. These policies are closely associated with the political parties that supported them, particularly the PSD and the National Liberal Party (PNL). As a result, many Romanians have come to equate electoral processes with the perpetuation of their problems.

Disillusionment runs so deep that some now express a preference for an authoritarian system that would guarantee basic rights. According to Dragota, local surveys indicate that around 40% of young people in Romania would support an authoritarian regime if it guaranteed to address their grievances, as opposed to enduring the austerity perpetuated by the current system.

It would be wrong to interpret this as a natural inclination toward authoritarianism among the Romanian population. Previous analyses indicate that many Romanians would support progressive policies if they were genuinely offered. “There is a huge anti-establishment feeling, but it’s captured by the right wing,” explains Dragota. This sentiment is evident in Georgescu’s rise, as well as in the electoral growth of smaller right-wing parties like the Party of Young People (POT) and SOS Romania. “He portrays himself as an anti-war figure, insisting that the conflict in Ukraine can be resolved through political and diplomatic means rather than further militarization, which obviously resonates with many people,” Dragota adds. “There is no one else making those arguments, and no one wants war.”

Can Right-Wing Sovereignism Address Neoliberalism and Austerity?

Georgescu’s rhetoric should not be taken at face value. While the terminology he uses appeals to popular frustrations, the content of his program suggests that his priorities align more closely with the interests of Romania’s petite bourgeoisie. As president, his ability to influence legislation would be limited, but his proposed policies primarily focus on supporting small and medium enterprises. This emphasis leaves little for the working class, who would likely remain marginalized. Similarly, while he casts himself as an anti-war populist, local media investigations have shown that Georgescu shares links with proponents of the global military-industrial complex.

Left activists maintain that in order to oppose the trend that has brought such momentum to Georgescu and maintained the dominance of traditional liberal and right-wing forces, it is imperative to establish a genuinely left or progressive alternative. However, Romania’s parliament currently lacks any party positioned further to the left than the PSD. Most left initiatives in the country remain fragmented, unable to present a unified response to the rise of the far right. As local media organization CriticAtac observed: “The everyday responses constrained by harsh socioeconomic realities act as barriers to political solidarity, limiting the potential for protest actions against the political and economic actors responsible for—and benefiting from—financialized, rentier, and warmongering capitalism.”

The date for the repeated presidential election will be set after a new government is formed, with the vote potentially taking place as late as March 2025. In the meantime, it remains to be seen whether Georgescu will be disqualified from running again, as some have advocated, or if efforts will be made to construct an opposition that genuinely addresses the concerns of the working class. While the latter scenario appears unlikely in the given time frame, the urgency to develop a coherent alternative to both the far right and the austerity policies in Romania remains pressing.


Courtesy: Peoples Dispatch

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